In particular we will examine two instances where innovation activities happen: at the level of the whole audiovisual production complex and at the scale of individual companies. Third, these market conditions in combination with certain micro, meso and macro elements at the national level are associated with special modes of innovation. Second, that the market conditions in which audiovisual production works in a country like Argentina and certain national characteristics (such as the importance of state support for domestic production and a long national trajectory in film and audiovisual production) result in a highly diversified orientation to the market and in low levels of vertical integration (with regards to services used in audiovisual production). It is in this economic and political framework in which we can describe and analyze the way in which production and innovation activities in the audiovisual complex are organized. That frame is necessary as it is in the context of political economy in which it is possible to characterize and understand the relationship of forces that results in a truncated national film market (where the share of national films on total tickets sales is around 10%). First, any discussion of innovation, skills development and the organization of audiovisual production needs to be framed in the context of political economy. This contribution is expressed in three central arguments. The aim of this presentation is to make a theoretical and methodological contribution to the discussion on innovation and organizational forms in cultural industries and especially in those related to audiovisual production. 1 However, despite the growth of the exhibition sector in Latin America, there has been no increase in the distribution of national or other non-Hollywood films, nor has there been rapid Colombia-about to overtake Argentina as the third largest film market in Latin America (something unthinkable a few decades before)-saw its number of theaters grow 190% between 20, while Argentina's number of screening venues has been practically at a standstill for nearly 20 years (the same holds for Uruguay). Brazil, the other large Latin American market, saw its number of screens increase more than 80%. In the majority of countries in the region, the number of cinemas and spectators more than doubled between 20, an increase driven by the significant growth in the Mexican exhibition sector, which went from 2,100 screens in 2000 to more than 5,700 in 2014. concept of the multiplex came to Latin America in the second half of the 1990s. However, in both distribution and exhibition, it continued to turn its back on Latin American cinema, and these two vital links in the value chain remained virtually excluded from the legislation that supported film (except for isolated regulations that were limited in their support and effectiveness).

Neofomentismo focuses on production: it allowed for unprecedented growth in the number of films in almost all of Latin America. the active participation of the state in the production, distribution, and screening of films between the 1940s and 1970s, a period that marked the golden age of some Latin American cinemas, especially those of Mexico and Brazil. However, neofomentismo is far from 'fomentismo,' i.e. 'Neofomentismo'-government incentives to promote cinema that were created during the 1990s and the first decade of the twenty-first century-served as a corrective to the more orthodox neoliberalism that dismantled public support for film and other cultural industries until the late 1980s and early 1990s. National film agencies continue to impose regulations similar to those of half a century ago. Commercialization, audiovisual convergence-especially between film and television-and digitization are practically absent from cultural politics.

For the last 20 years, after the neoliberal storm of the 1990s, state film policies in Latin America have focused almost exclusively on production.

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